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Members Commentary

'Keep our women safe at work!'--But are migrant domestic workers not women?

As far as Hong Kong population statistics are concerned, the nearly 300,000 foreign domestic workers (284,901 as of November 2010) who live and work here are counted as 1) part of the Hong Kong population and 2) as part of the Hong Kong workforce. They are among the 3,710,400 female residents, and 3,763,000 total workforce in Hong Kong (as of mid-2011).

Thus they represent 7.5% of our whole workforce, about 15% of our female workforce. Does Hong Kong society give them equal protection for their safety as women, compared to the rest of the female workforce? How do we ensure this? The Hong Kong government and conservative groups in Hong Kong proclaim what great benefits we give them ‘already’ – i.e., the minimum salary (which in reality tends to be the maximum salary) – HK$3,740 per month, and ‘so many other things’: food and lodging, a return air ticket and one day off per week.

Putting aside whether the workers who get these great things (what kind of typical food? What kind of room? Do they always get full salary?) are really so privileged, it’s worthwhile to look solely at the aspect of the personal safety of the working women.

Let’s compare with the situation of the census takers who visited many of our homes in July 2011.

I myself received a visit to my home in July from a pretty shiny-faced young woman who was probably 18 years old, wearing a census taker polo shirt. She came into our living room, helped fill out the census form as we answered her questions, and then went on her way. I was slightly surprised that she was alone.

Later in the media, there were reports that some of the census takers who had visited homes alone, had been sexually molested! In one case, on July 16, an 80-year-old man had allegedly touched the breast of the census taker. Another indecent assault allegedly happened on July 17, the details of which have not been shared. (http://topics.scmp.com/news/hk-news-watch/article/Census-takers-team-up-after-sex-scares)

Then from July 26, the government Census and Statistics Department announced it would ensure a male worker accompanies the female workers to take the census. In a mere ten days, the government took action to assure the public that the women workers among this total team of 18,300 temporary workers hired for the 34-day census would be safe, based on the assaults of 1-2 victims.

Now, consider the typical Filipina or Indonesian domestic worker newly arrived in Hong Kong. They come alone, to work alone for two years at a time once they have been admitted. What is their safety situation? When assaults happen to them, what is the response of the Hong Kong government?

The domestic workers, especially the Indonesians, are often quite young. It is a known secret that some of them even falsify their age in order to work, and are in fact as young as 16. They do not always have full grasp of the Chinese language, despite the fees they have paid for training that includes language lessons. They have typically entered a debt of 4 to 7 months salary as recruitment fee, in order to get the job. They often have their passports confiscated upon arrival in Hong Kong, and in many cases are even forbidden to use their own mobile phone, much less the landline phone of their employer. In other words: the young women who have newly begun their job in Hong Kong are extremely vulnerable to any form of abuse; due to their deep indebtedness, they are compelled to tolerate great abuse rather than be terminated and sent back home, with their debts still there and no money. Furthermore, the young women workers often are quite unaware of whom to reach out to for help; and worse, even if they pursue a legal case, they find the punishment of violators is difficult and hardly any deterrent to employers. Under present Hong Kong policies, forcing the domestic worker to sleep in a room with male children as old as 18 years old is not a 'serious violation'.

With agencies actively promoting a paternalistic and superior attitude of employers towards the rights and welfare of the domestic workers, cases of violations of the workers’ rights are very common and continue, even getting worse: forced enclosure (not being allowed out of the home); physical beating; verbal abuse; deprivation of food; surveillance; sexual harassment......

I have heard one case of a single male employer, who is a police officer, who forces his domestic worker to perform hand sex on him. Why was a single male employer allowed to hire a single domestic worker? Why are there no safeguards to prevent this situation?

I have met a young Indonesian who was able to sleep only 3-4 hours a night, and for months was kicked in the back by the employer to be woken. She only left when she could not tolerate her injuries anymore. What makes a domestic worker tolerate abuse so long, even when it is so severe, so humiliating? Of course they are not free, like the young census takers, to call police in their own language, to walk out of a situation they don’t wish to tolerate – they have enormous amounts of debt before arrival, and hardly anywhere to turn for help. It takes huge courage and confidence for isolated foreign workers to escape the situations they are placed in by their work – placed in by their own government, the Hong Kong government and the recruitment agencies – and fight against those authorities for justice and their own dignity.

In Hong Kong the responsibility for such continuing rampant abuses of the safety of the women migrant workers fall squarely on the Hong Kong government, which has shown utter indifference, in comparison to the response time of 'only ten days' for the sexually assaulted census takers.

There are migrant domestic shelters and advice centres, like Bethune House and Mission for Migrant Workers, which can provide the evidence that rapes, suicides, cases of severe physical abuse leading to mental illness and grave injuries, are regular occurrences, year after year. They are certainly a serious occupational hazard for domestic workers in Hong Kong. They are not merely the result of ‘a few bad employers’ who are ‘everywhere’ and can’t be avoided. No. It is the result of a government which looks lightly on the dangers they face, and avoid responsibility and serious protection of the workers.

For instance the Mission for Migrant workers, which served a total of 1,245 migrant workers including phone consultation, had 614 ongoing cases in 2010. It faced an increase from 2009, when it had 547.
Of those 614 cases:
· 7% of MFMW Clients report physical assault, physical abuse, sexual assault, or sexual abuse.
· 7% of MFMW Clients face ill-treatment from their employer.  This includes constant yelling, shouting, and criticism by the employer to the worker.
· 16% of Mission Clients report not receiving enough food to eat.
· 23% of Mission Clients do not have a private room.  This means they sleep in the living room, dining room, kitchen, laundry room, bathroom, or share a room with someone else.
· 28% of Mission Clients are required to work on their rest days.
· 72% of MFMW Clients sleep less than 8 hours each night.
· 7% of Mission Clients are required to work at another place besides the location listed in their contract (which is illegal).  They are told, for example, if they do not work at the employer’s family’s house or in their shop, their contract will be terminated.

23% do not have a private room to sleep in, much less a room with a lock! For two years of their contract while working for Hong Kong employers. Yet these abuses are categories of abuses that occur year after year, and as reported cases, form only a small portion of the actual cases that must be occurring during the year in Hong Kong.

The Hong Kong government has the obligation to ensure the safety of the women workers whom it has given legal permission to enter Hong Kong for work purposes, including suitable punishments for violations.

While commentators such as Mike Rowse and others claim the workers ‘know in advance’ that they will not get the right of abode, and many would even say they know they will work without privacy, without any time of their own, without a say in their sleeping hours or their work tasks… as a humane society, we must not accept that women workers must compromise their safety and dignity as the basic condition of their work. The live-in requirement is one of the policies that contributes the most to the vulnerability of the migrant women workers.

The Hong Kong government should: 1) again allow live-out as an option for migrant domestic workers; 2) explore establishing dormitories for migrant workers, as exist in many other societies that systematically hire migrants for work, and 3) ensure fast and effective deterrent punishments to employers that inflict physical and mental harm to their domestic workers. Without policies such as these, we can expect that thousands of migrant women are paying a deep price of their mental and physical health, for working in Hong Kong as domestic workers. With conscience we cannot allow this to continue; it has continued and even worsened, long enough.

* ‘Ain’t I a woman?’ was the famous question and title of a speech by Sojourner Truth at a women’s convention in 1851. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ain%27t_I_a_Woman) Sojourner Truth was a black anti-slavery activist, an escaped slave, and women’s right activist in the United States. In her speech she argued that while women were claiming rights as equals to men, it was still only for white women, and she argued against the racial inequality that left black women out of those rights. This fight was fought in the 1800s. Where are we now in Hong Kong? For the past several decades, the rights and privileges of Hong Kong women have rested on the sacrifices of and continued discrimination against, the differently coloured women of Philippines, Indonesia and other countries, whom we have relied on to do the work that as women, Hong Kong women would otherwise have to do. It is long overdue to make the struggle of the migrant domestic workers, the struggle of all women and women workers in Hong Kong, and the struggle for real racial and sexual equality.

www.opendoor.hk

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性別預算 - 一個廣為人忽略的角度

(There are no translations available.)

財政預算案從公佈到修訂,引起社會很大的反響。意見紛陳中,廣為人忽略的是性別預算的角度。

 

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Emergency call for help in vain: Report on coroner's inquiry into Tin Shui Wai killing

(This article is written in Chinese and has no English translation. Please click the following link to see original Chinese text. The English title is AAF's translation.)

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[婦進評論] 請革掉有礙女性平等參與政治的功能組別

(There are no translations available.)

近日有關政改方案的爭議在城中鬧得沸騰,普羅市民最為關注的固然是普選時間表,而所謂區議會方案,以及部份泛民議員提出的「五區總辭」,連日來亦成為了討論的焦點。

遺憾的是,自有功能組別選舉以來,婦女團體一直所批評其對女性造成的歧視、為女性參與政治所構成的結構性障礙,卻未受到應有的關注。在整個政改方案的討論中,絲毫未有被正視。

聯合國批評功能組別構成性別歧視

現時立法會60個議席中有一半經功能組別選舉產生,其存在本身早已被批評為社會上部份人士製造特權,造就個別特權人士手擁兩張或以上選票的不公平局面。而現時功能界別中不乏以男性為主導(人數上或職位上)之行業,個別組別如工程界、漁農界等更不論僱員或僱主都以男性為主,導致女性整體而言未能平等參與選舉,造成間接的性別歧視。

事實上,聯合國消除對婦女一切形式歧視委員會在2006年經已對香港之功能組別選舉制度提出關注。委員會在回應香港特區政府就《消除對婦女一切形式歧視公約》所提交報告而作出之評論中明言︰「功能組別選舉制度可能構成對婦女的間接歧視,因?它導致婦女未能平等參與政治生活。」。

林瑞麟回應議員質詢態度敷衍

委員會並敦促政府採取暫行特別措施,改善現況。可惜三年已過,香港政府卻一直未有就此作出跟進。而政制及內地事務局局長林瑞麟在今年11月4日於立法會內,回應劉慧卿議員就現時某些功能界別只有男性參選,可能造成性別歧視而作出質詢時,更只簡單一句否認事實:「婦女在香港參政不會遇到任何結構性的障礙」。林局長不僅未有嚴肅面對有關問題,未能提供有效資料作為回應之基礎,更顯然一直以來均對本港婦女團體、部份議員及聯合國就功能組別構成性別歧視所提出的質疑置若罔聞,從未就此進行過認真而具性別觀點的反省和檢討。

政府未盡力促進女性參政

事實上,現時立法會中女性議員的數目充分反映香港政府未有就促進女性參政作出努力。現時立法會中女性議員數目只佔全體議席的18%,並未高於上屆;在地區直選議席中,女性議員僅佔23%,而在功能組別選舉中,女性議員更只佔13%。聯合國經濟及社會委員會早於1990年通過了議案︰「要求各國提升擔任政府、政府組織、工會、專業團體和代表性組織的決策位置的女性代表比例,目標是於1995年女性代表達到了30%,到2000年便達到50%。」對比起聯合國的基準,香港的表現絕不合格。

婦女事務委員會應為政改方案進行性別審視

政制改革事關重大,對全港市民及香港前途具深刻影響。作為被政府指為處理婦女事務中央機制之婦女事務委員會,實應馬上為所有有關政改方案之擬訂、公眾諮詢計劃及相關措施進行性別審視,了解對其兩性所造成之影響及當中是否存在差異,作出跟進,並責成政制及內地事務局徹底推行性別觀點主流化,特別是加強政策制訂官員的性別意識培訓,否則港府不但難以向聯合國消除對婦女一切形式歧視委員會交代,更會對香港作為一個國際城市的整體發展造成嚴重缺失。整體而言,功能組別障礙香港市民平等參與選舉,製造選民中的特權階級,更應及早廢除。

區美寶
新婦女協進會幹事

 

[婦進評論] 還公道抑或損公道 ——談立法會調查甘乃威

(There are no translations available.)

立法會內務委員會通過動議,啟動取消議員資格的機制,由內委會成立專責委員會調查甘乃威事件。甘乃威議員涉及強烈指控,備受公眾關注,由立法會成立專責委員會調查事件似乎是眾望所歸,但這個做法又有否考慮到事主的意願和權益?

無視事主意願和權益

首先,從報章轉載事主的聲明中可知,事主沒有要求立法會調查,也沒有表示要提出訴訟,而只是要求民主黨內部嚴肅處理。換句話說,事主並未有公開事件詳情的意願或準備。如事主要向前僱主提出性騷擾投訴,在現行法律和機制上,可以由僱主機構內部處理,或由平機會處理,或由法院審理。在前兩者的方法中,投訴人的個人資料是絕對保密的,投訴人面對的壓力也相對較小。如果在前兩者的方法中處理得當,事主又有足夠的支援,事件便可以圓滿解決;如果不滿意,事主也可以繼續追究責任和上訴。

可是,立法會展開的調查,卻無疑迫使事主暴露更多私隱,更未能保障事主的法律權益。一般性騷擾的民事追討,事主可以要求被投訴人道歉、賠償、機構改變政策,以及復職轉職等等。立法會提出的譴責議案,通過結果只是罷免甘乃威,並不關乎事主本身的權益。然而,假如立法會的調查最後認為甘乃威沒有性騷擾,卻很可能影響事主從其他途徑申訴的結果,例如平機會和法院。對事主而言,這又算什麼公道呢?有沒有徵詢過事主要求什麼公道?

此外,立法會這樣做也立下了一個很壞的先例。這次事件中未等投訴人申訴,或者未有一個確切和實質的指控,單憑報道傳聞立法會便率先提出譴責議案。那麼,日後如再有任何涉及議員的性騷擾傳聞,立法會是否都會先於投訴人提出指控或投訴前,提出譴責議案?

調查加重事主壓力

性騷擾往往都是由輕微事件開始,如當事人立即反擊,令對方知難而退,或由機構內部即時調解或懲處,便能將傷害減到最低,而且最快討得公道。今次立法會的做法,等於向日後的性騷擾受害人宣告,如要投訴立法會議員,便要有心理準備應付立法會的聆訊。如此一來,將為日後的受害人加大壓力,面對性騷擾欲投訴時,需要考慮更多公眾壓力或投訴對象的處境;二來,由於參與調查和作供需要付出龐大心力,完成立法會的調查後,更可能會大大打消了事主再作其他投訴或追討的意欲,影響事主本身的權益。

也許一些立法會議員會說,專責委員會不會強制傳召證人出席,事主是否協助調查純屬自願。然而,事件發展到今時今日,傳媒已披露了事主的個人資料,全城議論紛紛,妄自推斷甘乃威是否有性騷擾,已經令當事人造成很大的心理壓力。如果事主拒絕協助調查,將如何面對公眾的批評?在這種形勢下,事主又談何自願?

性騷擾的問題在於不尊重事主的自主權,侵犯了事主的權利。如果處理投訴時也沒有尊重事主的意願,令事主感到再一次被操控,其實無異於二重傷害。所以,立法會是否調查及如何調查,都應該優先考慮事主的意願。無論如何,事主應該有權利選擇用何種方式處理性騷擾的投訴,這才是我們應該追求的公道。

蔡泳詩
新婦女協進會主席

刊於2009-10-26明報

 

[婦進評論] 天天論靚模 是誰打造的風

(There are no translations available.)

「少女模特兒」─ 一時成為城中熱話,冠以「口靚」模封號 (相對「超模」,可見其層次差落),每天各大小傳媒必有更新的行程、報導,甚或廣招不同專業的評論云云。日前,本會應邀出席城市論壇有關「口靚」模風氣的討論,引起不少公眾人士對本會的關注,質疑婦團應有的保護角度,我們出言肯定少女模特兒的選擇,就如鼓勵青少年吸毒無異,罪大惡極。

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[婦進文章] 香港女性劇場的發展概況

(There are no translations available.)

要談香港女性劇場的發展,說容易不容易,說難其實也不是真的很難。不容易,因為香港的學術與評論界,對於香港女性劇場這個課題,一直論述不多,更遑論基本的史料整理和歷史敘述。不難,因為在仍然為男性所主導的戲劇界中,女性戲劇創作人,實在屈指可數。

何謂女性劇場?
不過,要談香港女性劇場的發展,還有一個理論上的困難,那就是該如何理解何謂女性劇場。女性劇場就是那些主要由女性創作人所主導的劇場創作嗎?若果她們的 作品並非取材自女性的生活,又算不算是女性劇場作品?反過來說,若某些主要由男性創作人主導的作品,在題材上大量取材自女性的生活,又算不算是女性劇場作 品?受女性主義思潮影響,有論者提出,只要創作人主要以女性觸角開展其創作,則無論他/她的性別為男為女,其作品均可被視為女性劇場的創作。筆者認為,後 兩種說法的提出,雖然在理論上有一定的意義,但缺點是容易造成概念上的混淆。所以筆者傾向以創作人的性別(女性)來作為介定何謂女性劇場的重要條件,但與此同時,該等創作必須充分體出創作人的自覺性或主體性, 這份自覺性或主體性可以體現為對自身性別、生活的關心與敏感,亦可以體現為對於女性主體的自覺。固然,我們不乏優秀的女演員、女性佈景設計師、女性燈設計 師、女性服裝設計師,而這些工作亦不乏創意,但在現行的戲劇行業結構中,導演與編劇無疑是主導創作的舵手,而相對於男性導演與編劇,女性在這些領域中,仍 然是少數派。

香港女性劇場
如前所述,由於史料整理與學術研究的匱乏,要追索香港女性劇場的源頭與發展,並不容易。就筆者手頭有限的資料,香港較為自覺的最早的女性劇場,甚至女性主 義劇場作品,可追索至進念的《列女傳》(1983年)、香港新婦女協進會與民眾劇社成員合作排演的《婦女六部曲》(1985年)、作家黃碧雲自編自導自演 的《一個女子的論述》(1987年)以及已故創作人黃婉玲的《偉大家園》(1988年)。至於以劇節或藝術節形式出現的女性劇場展演,則有城市劇場舉辦的 女性藝術節「女飈」(1990年),1 香港藝術中心所主辦的前後兩屆「女兒戲﹕香港國際女性劇場節」(2001年及2003年),以及亞洲民眾戲劇節協會去年主辦的行為藝術節「香港作動之女 演」(2008年)。

就香港女性劇場的發展而言,它大致可以分為兩大類別。第一類是那些屬於或接近戲劇(Drama)範疇的演出作品。這一類作品不一定談性別或女性自身 的生活與經驗,出發點也不一定具有女性視角,甚致女性主義視角,但可以肯定的是,這些作品的主導創作舵手都是女性,例如黃婉玲、傅月美、黃清霞教授、甄詠 蓓、羅靜雯、鄭綺釵、陳麗珠、馮蔚衡等。至於這些作品是否具有一些有別男性創作人作品的美學特質,則尚待更仔細的討論,非本文所能涵蓋。

第二類演出則是受視覺藝術方面的「概念藝術」(Conceptual Art)與「行為藝術」影響,而八十年代末開始於本地出現的「表演藝術」(Performance Art),其中的表表者包括游靜、李海欣、魂游、梁寶山、高小蘭、馮程程、張嘉莉、張韻雯等。跟傳統的戲劇演出不同,這些演出大多以「單人表 演」(Solo Performance)的形式出現,強調現場性以及跟觀眾的互動,演出場地亦不侷一格,可以在任何正統劇場以外的場所(例如畫廊、展覽廳、家居),甚致 公共空間。由於這類作品強調演出者的當下狀態,相對於第一類作品,這一類作品亦具有較強的性別自覺性,其中部分作品甚至會自覺的挑戰一些習以為常的性別與 劇場的界限。故此,這些看似比較個人的演出,同時亦具有較強的政治性,跟女性主義所提倡的「個人就是政治」的理念,可謂一脈相承。

一人劇團的One Woman Show
除了以上兩大類的女性劇場作品外,近年香港劇壇亦出現了好些one woman band的一人劇團。正如香港藝術發展局行政總裁茹國所言﹕「這幾年,正正有一大班演藝畢業生如此,早上教書,晚上創作,令他們可以生存而且不需要轉行, 並成為市場上一堆質素不錯的自由身藝人。然而他們難以申請資助,唯有自己營運,以致雖要靠觀眾維持收入。但他們搞戲,本身也是想得到自由,那該如何得到? 很簡單,只需找到四千觀眾,認識而欣賞他們的藝術,而願意付二百元看他們的演出,並一年有兩個演出,一個是新作、一個是重演,這樣他們便不用申請藝發局資 助,而可以自力更生,不需要等九個月的藝發局申請程序,也不用由藝發局的評核員去評分」,2 而近年走紅的創作演員彭秀慧與黃詠詩,正是這樣的例子。

與第二類的女性劇場作品比較,這一類one woman band演出,其政治性相對較淡。但相對於第一類廣義的女性劇場作品,由於創作人主要以自我作為標榜的對象,其性別意識與自覺亦較為明顯。就以彭秀慧為 例,由《29+1》到近期的《再見不再見》,演出標榜的都是女性自身的生活及經驗。

女性劇場之必要
或許,你會反問﹕我們真的需要的女性劇場嗎?創作是否必然跟性別相關?而把某些作品命名為女性劇場作品,又是否一種變相的矮化?對於這些問題,筆者沒有一 定的答案。但若果藝術的其中一項功能,是讓我們透過想像產生同理心,進入以及理解他人的世界,包容差異,則女性劇場為我們打開的,大概正正是另一個世界、 另一種觀看事物的方法。此乃女性劇場之必要。

(《戲劇藝術》第二十二期,2009年6月)

註釋
1 文晶瑩著﹕〈討論時常由零開始—九十年代至今的香港女性藝術展覽〉,PS 視覺藝術文化雜誌,香港: Para/Site藝術空間,2004年冬,25期,頁50-56。(網上版﹕http://www.cyman.net/hkwomen_art.pdf

2. 《文化產業趨勢下的演藝路向》討論會,2008年6月2日,見http://www.iatc.com.hk/onlinearticle/文化產業討論.doc

 

鄭威鵬

 

[婦進文章] 婦進 25 周年 三代同行婦進人

(There are no translations available.)



如果說香港人的身分在六七十年代才逐漸成形,植根於本土身分認同的婦女運動便要數到八十年代才出現。一九八四年成立的新婦女協進會,見證了本土婦女運動的萌芽和成長,而今快要走過四分之一世紀。有時激昂,有時低首,在風雨飄搖的二十五個寒暑中,婦進小隊已經集齊了呂大樂所指的第二三四代人。不同年代的她們因何投身婦女運動?她們對婦女運動又有什麼不同的理解?三位老中青婦進會員侃侃而談,且聽她們如何鋪演本土婦運的世代變遷。

小月:結婚只為買居屋

張月鳳是婦進首屆成員,成長於十姊妹兄弟的傳統大家庭。「女性在家中沒有話事權,讀書機會永遠先給兒子,男性不用做家務。」被年輕廿幾年的我稱呼為「小月」的女子補充,當時整個社會氛圍都令人覺得女性地位很低。七八十年代教育開始普及,但女性入讀大專依然不是平常事。「父親無意供我讀書,覺得女兒反正都要嫁人,只有媽媽早晚辛苦做小手作堅持供讀,她不想我跟她走同一條路。」說到觸動處,性格剛強爽直的小月,也不禁眼泛淚光。

小月七十年代尾讀大專,受外國思潮影響—— 「當時會讀什麼呢?」「西蒙波娃,可能現在你們已經覺得out 了。」——加上自身對家庭成長經驗的反思,開始思考如何突破女性的藩籬。「八十年代初有一種很強的氣氛要去改變社會,陳寶瓊、江瓊珠、陳順馨等開始搞讀書組,是婦進團隊的前身,我算是後期才加入的了。」究竟她對所謂女性藩籬有什麼深刻的體會呢?「家姐很慘,很聰明勤力卻沒機會讀書,唯有在毛衫廠工作然後晚晚六點半夜校進修,婚姻也由家庭安排,感情生活一直未如人意。所以我堅持要婚姻自主。」追問之下,才知道小月23 歲便結婚。我很好奇,婚姻和家庭常被視為女性最深重的藩籬,既然想突破怎麼反而跳了進去?「結婚純粹因為要買居屋,想獨立生活嘛,不過我們結婚前已決定不會生育。女性為什麼非得要生育?生育往往嚴重窒礙女性的多元發展,這是我和伴侶討論後的共識。當然每個人都應該可以有自己的選擇。」結婚成為了小月追求獨立自主的策略,生育有這樣的可能嗎?小月對母職的謹慎,彷彿帶點西蒙波娃的影子。

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[婦進評論] 家庭關係與同住是兩個概念──與張達明再議家暴條例

(There are no translations available.)


在短短數月間,修訂家庭暴力條例的爭議愈演愈烈,但教人遺憾的是,爭議的焦點竟然不是如何才能更有效地保障家暴受害人,而是如何界定家庭關係的問題。極力反對將同性同居者納入家暴條例的黃成智和梁美芬議員,究竟是希望只改一字,還是要因應概念的轉變而大幅度修改條文,抑或堅持另立一條新例,目前為止似乎仍未十分清楚。在此情况下,張達明教授較有條理的文章 (〈《家庭暴力條例》修訂的出路〉,《明報》,2009年 1月9 日),無疑令我們對反對聲音的意見更清楚,值得我們細細咀嚼。

張教授在文中提出了一連串疑問,表示政府未有就「同性同居關係」下普遍認可的定義,甚至還提問「是否只限於有親密性行為的同性同居伴侶?若兩同性戀者只選擇共同居住及親密擁抱而不進行肛交或其他侵入性的性行為,是否又算在內?」由專於法律的張教授提出這些疑問難免令人感到錯愕。

「同性同居關係」不需「性關係」作界定

張教授沒有理由不知道,《家庭暴力條例》中由1986年已存在的「男女同居關係」,不必然需要以「性關係」作為界定原則。如果「男女同居關係」不需要,為什麼還要問「同性同居關係」是否需要?難道僅僅因為是「同性」而非「男女」,便需要格外嚴格的界定?很多反對同性戀人士,往往一想到同性戀者,便立刻想到同性戀性行為,然後立刻想到肛交。筆者只擔心同性戀者在張教授的眼中會不會只是一些有不正常情慾的怪獸,所以令張教授難以想像有愛無性的同性同居關係,因而影響了其專業判斷。

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[婦進評論] 家庭暴力非家事,是人權問題

(There are no translations available.)

政府提出修訂《家庭暴力條例》引來社會廣泛的關注和激烈的辯論,特別是宗教界奮力反抗,誓保傳統家庭觀念。如此一來,討論開始偏離家暴條例的立法精神和焦點,變成定義「家庭」的意識形態之爭而非從法律保障人權的角度論事。

請注意,家暴非家事,是侵害人身安全的罪行。過去不少中外的學術研究指出,社會上有不少人誤認為家庭暴力是家事,因此,在「家醜不出外傳」的意識綑綁下,受害人往往不敢張揚而令到問題沒法及早解決和不斷惡化。這種誤解亦令到前線工作人員包括社工及警察在處理家暴個案時手法上出偏差。歐洲理事會曾建議成員國無論家暴法是屬刑事或民事法,均應強調家暴是牴觸人權,屬於罪行的一種,並必須加強執法。基於此,香港在討論應否修訂《家庭暴力條例》的時候,應以家暴為罪行作 為前提,而非爭論「家庭」的定義。

政府應盡速修訂條例

既然家暴是一種罪行,受害人應受到法律的保障。法律面前,人人平等。這一點原則相信沒有人會反對,因此,也沒有人應該反對當一個人受到同性伴侶的暴力對待時,沒有受到法律保障的權利。究竟反對修訂《家庭暴力條例》的人士,反對什麼?綜合近日反對言論,不外乎是害怕為同性婚姻合法化開綠燈,挑戰傳統的家庭婚姻觀念,而同性同居伴侶因此得到其他方面的權利,例如繼承權和收養兒童權等。

首先,要注意一點,本港現行的《家庭暴力條例》,英文是Domestic Violence Ordinance而非Family Violence Ordinance。英文的用法似乎沒有太大的爭議,問題是中文的翻譯。歐美、澳洲及亞洲等多個國家已經普遍放棄採用family violence的用詞而改用domestic violence,原因是family(家庭)的定義複雜多變,為免一些受害人因字義的限制而得不到法例的保障,改變用詞可拓大保障的範圍。最近一次香港家暴法例的修訂,保障前伴侶及異性同居伴侶也不過是堵塞法例的漏洞,今次提出加入同性伴侶的修訂背後的精神亦在此。反對派認為將同性同居者納入條例中,就等同破壞傳統家庭觀念。若按照他們的邏輯,豈不是他們要同時反對異性同居、分居及離婚的受害人得到保障?這說法是非常偏狹及倒退。

第二,我們必須認清,本港的《家庭暴力條例》是屬民事法,為家庭暴力受害人提供民事補救。受害人可根據條例申請強制令,藉以:

1. 禁制另一方騷擾家庭暴力受害人或與受害人同住的兒童;
2. 禁止另一方進入其婚姻居所或指明的地方;及
3. 規定另一方必須准許家庭暴力受害人進入及留在其婚姻居所或婚姻居所內的指明部分。

因此,保障的範圍主要是保障人身安全,並非如一些反對人士的意見,一旦法例修訂通過後,同居伴侶可以因此得到其他方面的權利,這是一種誤導及不負責任的說法。

有關《家庭暴力條例》的修訂,其實不應扭轉為「同性婚姻應否合法化」的論爭。相反,應思考如何確保不同形式的親密/親屬關係,在現行的法律基礎下為受害人提供合理的保障。雖然有論者建議另外立法保障同居人士,但這個做法更複雜,引起的爭議更大。執筆時,喜見陳日君樞機站在人身安全及人權的立場改為支持修訂。政府應盡速修訂條例,即使就「家庭」一詞作技術性的修訂也未嘗不可。

梁麗清

明報   2009年1月12日

 

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